Protesting students in Ghent dress as frites
Belgium has now won not only the European record for the longest time without a government, but also the world record. Approaching the anniversary of its last election, on 13th June, it confronts a question worthy of a nation that produced the surrealist artist René Magritte: does a country need a government at all? So far, this kingdom of Dutch speakers in the north and francophones in the south has done well without one.
Although it is a small nation embedded in the EU, Belgium’s experience is of interest to Britain following the Scottish National Party’s electoral triumph (see p22). It shows what can happen when you follow devolution to its logical conclusion.
Despite 12 months of gridlock, Belgian schools and hospitals function as efficiently as ever, rubbish is collected and citizens go about their business with few reminders that they live in the global capital of political dysfunction. In the second half of 2010 the country held the presidency of the EU, a tenure which foreign diplomats judged to be one of the best in recent memory.
In December, Standard & Poor’s, the rating agency, threatened to downgrade the country’s AA+ status, but so far it has not carried out the threat. That’s because the economy is doing rather well: the budget deficit is expected to fall to 3.7 per cent of GDP this year while overall debt should stay under the symbolically important level of 100 per cent of GDP. Without a proper government, it’s been more difficult to spend taxpayers’ cash.
Paralysis followed last June’s elections in which Bart de Wever’s Flemish nationalist party triumphed in the north, and the socialists won in French-speaking Wallonia. De Wever said it was too soon for the Flanders independence that he favours. But efforts to form a coalition have foundered over the constitutional settlement demanded by Flemish nationalists.
Belgium is fortunate in having an experienced caretaker government led by Yves Leterme, the acting prime minister. Didier Reynders is one of Europe’s longest-serving finance ministers and Steven Vanackere has performed well as acting foreign minister. But Belgium can do without a central government because many functions are being carried out by lower tiers. It has three “communities,” one for each of its Flemish, French and (much smaller) German-speaking populations. They have powers over education, theatre, libraries, and some health and welfare. Then there are three “regions”—Flanders, Brussels Capital and Wallonia—each with powers over the economy, public policy, and trade. There are ten provinces, too—also with powers over schools and the economy—plus 589 municipal councils.
The federal government sets policy on foreign affairs and defence but, as Belgium is a small country of 10m people, these usually fall into line with the EU and Nato. The main tasks it retains are limited to justice, finance and social security.
Only in January did it look as if trouble might be looming when borrowing costs rose after the credit warning. An internet campaign brought around 34,000 people onto the streets of Brussels for a protest that inverted the normal conventions: instead of marching to eject a government, this crowd called on politicians to form one. But the markets calmed and the mood of detached jollity returned in time for the historic moment when Belgium overtook Iraq’s modern-day record for time without a government. Some cities held ironic celebrations handing out beer and frites, and in Ghent 249 students—one for each of the days without a government—defied the chilly weather to strip to their underwear.
Yet there’s a problem with keeping the pause button pressed indefinitely. If deadlock proves central government to be an irrelevance, that can only help those who want Belgium to split into two.
Belgium has now won not only the European record for the longest time without a government, but also the world record. Approaching the anniversary of its last election, on 13th June, it confronts a question worthy of a nation that produced the surrealist artist René Magritte: does a country need a government at all? So far, this kingdom of Dutch speakers in the north and francophones in the south has done well without one.
Although it is a small nation embedded in the EU, Belgium’s experience is of interest to Britain following the Scottish National Party’s electoral triumph (see p22). It shows what can happen when you follow devolution to its logical conclusion.
Despite 12 months of gridlock, Belgian schools and hospitals function as efficiently as ever, rubbish is collected and citizens go about their business with few reminders that they live in the global capital of political dysfunction. In the second half of 2010 the country held the presidency of the EU, a tenure which foreign diplomats judged to be one of the best in recent memory.
In December, Standard & Poor’s, the rating agency, threatened to downgrade the country’s AA+ status, but so far it has not carried out the threat. That’s because the economy is doing rather well: the budget deficit is expected to fall to 3.7 per cent of GDP this year while overall debt should stay under the symbolically important level of 100 per cent of GDP. Without a proper government, it’s been more difficult to spend taxpayers’ cash.
Paralysis followed last June’s elections in which Bart de Wever’s Flemish nationalist party triumphed in the north, and the socialists won in French-speaking Wallonia. De Wever said it was too soon for the Flanders independence that he favours. But efforts to form a coalition have foundered over the constitutional settlement demanded by Flemish nationalists.
Belgium is fortunate in having an experienced caretaker government led by Yves Leterme, the acting prime minister. Didier Reynders is one of Europe’s longest-serving finance ministers and Steven Vanackere has performed well as acting foreign minister. But Belgium can do without a central government because many functions are being carried out by lower tiers. It has three “communities,” one for each of its Flemish, French and (much smaller) German-speaking populations. They have powers over education, theatre, libraries, and some health and welfare. Then there are three “regions”—Flanders, Brussels Capital and Wallonia—each with powers over the economy, public policy, and trade. There are ten provinces, too—also with powers over schools and the economy—plus 589 municipal councils.
The federal government sets policy on foreign affairs and defence but, as Belgium is a small country of 10m people, these usually fall into line with the EU and Nato. The main tasks it retains are limited to justice, finance and social security.
Only in January did it look as if trouble might be looming when borrowing costs rose after the credit warning. An internet campaign brought around 34,000 people onto the streets of Brussels for a protest that inverted the normal conventions: instead of marching to eject a government, this crowd called on politicians to form one. But the markets calmed and the mood of detached jollity returned in time for the historic moment when Belgium overtook Iraq’s modern-day record for time without a government. Some cities held ironic celebrations handing out beer and frites, and in Ghent 249 students—one for each of the days without a government—defied the chilly weather to strip to their underwear.
Yet there’s a problem with keeping the pause button pressed indefinitely. If deadlock proves central government to be an irrelevance, that can only help those who want Belgium to split into two.
