In 1997, the historian Peter Clarke observed that in the 20th century Great Britain lost its historic identity as a Protestant nation. This view points starkly to the loss of religious identity that is now accepted by many as the modern face of the nation. Here, the emergence of secularism, the seeming divide between public and private and the contested issues of multiculturalism all contribute to the dilemma of where Christianity lies in public life, and more broadly what is the value or contribution of religious faith in the public sphere.
How do we measure a nation’s religious identity? Notwithstanding declining church membership and diminishing worship, the UK is still a largely Christian country, if by that we mean the dominant faith of the land. Yes, institutional religion has declined as a cohesive force that gives meaning and stability to communities. But our calender, our formal occasions, our legal system, our social and literary reference points, our cultural memory—all these are still largely rooted in the context of Christianity. Even the possible split in the Anglican communion over same-sex marriage still makes headlines. These are the factors that keep Christianity alive as a social force, even if the doctrines, rituals and beliefs are becoming increasingly alien to the younger generation.
The larger point is that religion, with all its complexities, still continues to be a central feature of human life, giving shape and meaning to our existence. This is often lost in the frequent media attention given to whether religion is a force for good or bad in the world. Our conversations are often not so much about religion itself, but about the possible reach of religion, and how to protect perceived secular space. Here, religion is often seen as something that drags us back to an intolerant past, whereas secularism grounds us in individual freedom and pulls us towards a hopeful future. In many ways secularity has been successful. The rise of democratic rule, the concept of civil society, the consciousness of human rights, and individual freedom, have all accelerated the growth of secularism.
And in our current climate many people do care that Britain is still seen as a Christian country. Secularism isn’t the only challenge: so is Islam. In the face of a growing Islamist threat, many people have returned to the familiar historical tropes of pitting Christianity against Islam. Islam is seen as the essentialised, archaic “other” in white Anglo-Saxon Christian Europe. Its beliefs and practices are too visible and awkward, and don’t fit in with the demands and attractions of modern western life.
The modern west is defended by many as the legacy of Christianity: western culture as the product of Christian values. So the liberties we all enjoy such as the rule of law, social pluralism and religious freedom are what the Christian west stand for. This may be a contested perspective but it is a popular one. It’s one that is also hijacked by politicians whose defence of British Christianity is often self-serving, creating division rather than uniting communities.
Personally speaking, religion is at its best when the faithful struggle for a more just society for all. Religious belief is not easy, and hope in God is not some soft refuge. We must have the courage to accept that cultural trends, competing moralities and changing concepts of human dignity may well be unsettling, but they also demand a different kind of political and personal engagement with everyone. If the established church is no longer recognised by the state in any meaningful way, the church no longer speaks for society, and Christianity needn’t be the dominant voice. Rather, along with others, it should provide an authentic moral voice in a world too often compromised and confused. The greatness of the task should both inspire and humble us.
Mona Siddiqui will be speaking part at The British Academy event “Who cares if Britain isn’t a Christian country?” at the Royal Society on Thursday 28th January at 6.30pm. Click here for details.