After the nuclear proliferation bubble burst in late December last year, Pakistan could no longer deny allegations of nuclear wrongdoings by its celebrated bombmaker, Abdul Qadeer Khan. (Khan earned a PhD in metallurgy but is referred to as a "nuclear scientist" in almost all press reports. He picked up his nuclear knowledge at a uranium enrichment plant in the Netherlands, where he stole centrifuge designs.) But notwithstanding his televised confession and apology, few people believe that Khan acted alone. In the high security environment of Pakistani nuclear installations, foreign visits of important personnel and the transfer of equipment would have been impossible without the complicity of the military.
Khan's activities had been hidden from successive Pakistani governments, says General Musharraf. But year after year (including 2003, when the proliferation controversy was already hot) Islamabad was festooned with banners advertising workshops on "Vibrations in rapidly rotating machinery" and "Advanced materials," sponsored by the Dr AQ Khan Research Laboratories (also known as the Kahuta Research Laboratories). These had obvious utility for centrifuge technology, essential for making bomb-grade uranium.
Many in Pakistan have rallied to defend the country's bombmakers. Some Islamic leaders argue that, by not having signed the nuclear non-proliferation treaty, the bombmakers are blameless since they broke no law or treaty by sharing such technology with other parties. But this legalistic argument will not prevent serious damage to Pakistan.
For over 15 years Pakistan had repeatedly assured the world that it was a responsible nuclear power. It rejected accusations of proliferating nuclear weapon technologies. These angry denials were made over the same time period during which the transfers were now known to have occurred. The credibility gap this creates will surely be a handicap for all leaders of Pakistan, present and future.
For years, Pakistan's powerful Islamic parties openly embraced the bomb, chanting slogans in praise, and parading cardboard replicas through the streets. For them, it is more than just a means to defend Pakistan's national frontiers - it belongs to the entire Muslim umma. Such people are inspired by the prison notes of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the first person to have spoken of the need for an Islamic bomb.
Although the notion of an Islamic bomb in the post-9/11 world is both military folly and political suicide, Pakistan's Islamic parties and some of its bombmakers seem incapable of realising this. While it is inconceivable that any Muslim country will request nuclear weapons from Pakistan, there is little doubt that some terror groups are more enthusiastic. Two years ago, highly placed members of the Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission wanted to play their role in the jihad against America. In a fit of Islamic solidarity they went to Afghanistan and met with Osama bin Laden and the Taleban. It is difficult to believe that they were the only ones so inclined.
For the moment, the efforts of some Pakistani bombmakers to peddle nuclear secrets appear to have been stymied. But merely by making such efforts, and by invoking solidarity with the umma, they have seriously endangered Pakistan. Imagine, for example, the horrific situation arising from an atomic explosion in some American city. A superpower, blinded with grief and rage, would be sure to exact a terrible price. Mere suspicion might form the basis of action. It is quite possible that the Americans would bomb Pakistan first - perhaps with nuclear weapons - and look for justifications later. Iraq stands as a reminder of America's furious desire to avenge 9/11 and hurt even those unconnected with the perpetrators. The subsequent non-discovery of WMD, or connections with al Qaeda, have been shrugged off by George W Bush and the neocons.
It is ironic that it was the two Muslim countries - Iran and Libya - which spilled the beans on Pakistan's pan-Islamic nuclear largesse. North Korea, with atheism as its state ideology, has angrily rejected Khan's admission that he supplied it with centrifuge designs and parts. In his marathon press conference, in which he announced his acceptance of Khan's mercy petition, Musharraf took a swing at Iran and Libya for caving in to international inspectors and docilely turning over documents on their nuclear programmes. Indeed, the documents turned over by Libya to the IAEA, and subsequently to the US, have been the most damaging so far. These include a complete nuclear weapon design. But Musharraf showed no gratitude to Libya and Iran for having exposed an international crime ring. "Our Muslim brothers did not ask us before giving our names," he said angrily.
It is time to give up the fantasy of a bomb for the umma, and time to rein in Pakistan's bombmakers. Their illegitimate nuclear commerce has created a nightmare for the reputation, safety and security of their own country. It is difficult to know what Khan meant when he said he had acted out of "good faith." One wonders what kind of faith allows for putting instruments of mass murder on sale in the open market.
