While the Conservative party regroups and rebuilds in the wake of July’s disastrous election result, among the achievements to dust off from the wreckage and be truly proud of is our support of the UK’s world-leading creative industries.
These industries, defined as having “their origin in individual creativity, skill and talent and which have a potential for wealth and job creation through the generation and exploitation of intellectual property” have surpassed the wider economy on almost every metric.
Their contributions are significant: one million new jobs between 2010 and 2021, and growth that outstripped the economy by one and half times between 2010 and 2019. The latest figures show it is worth £125bn to the UK economy—more than the oil and gas, aerospace and car industries put together. So it’s no surprise that Labour have named the creative industries as one of their growth-driving sectors.
Owing at least in part to tax credits heralded by British Film Institute chief executive Ben Roberts as “the most significant policy intervention since the 1990s”, the UK is now the second-most popular location in the world to make films or high-end television. These days, you’re as likely to find the stars of the screen in London as in Hollywood.
This economic success matters. It doesn’t just spread opportunity and prosperity. The creative industries also bring us together, with stories that are uniquely British. And as those stories beam out across the world, they bring tourists to our shores and cement our soft power. That’s why I call them Britain’s global superpower.
Across the sector, businesses are opening their eyes to the fact that our workforce’s skills have not kept pace with sector growth. The challenge is stark—just last year, the Culture, Media and Sport Committee was told by the chair of the Screen Sectors Skills Task Force, Georgia Brown, that come 2025, there would be a potential shortage of 15,000 to 20,000 crew.
While the creative industries can claim to be at the forefront of technological development and global trends, meaning it requires a workforce with technical agility, a diverse range of other skills and talents are needed as well. From accountants to make-up artists and mechanics to carpenters, there are roles for everyone. But the work is often freelance and unpredictable.
A flexible approach to building skills will be essential. It would be a mistake, as the government consults on changes to the curriculum, for it to divert resources away from the central educational pillars that represent the foundations for a career in any sector.
Apprenticeships are supported by industries across the UK, and have been proven to increase diversity of talent in film. But the apprenticeship levy hasn’t delivered for creative businesses. Many work on short-term contracts, are small in size, and find the system too bureaucratic, or the costs of taking on apprenticeships too great.
Conservative creative clusters increased local economic growth and knowledge-sharing. Increasing access to apprenticeships in these clusters through “portable” apprenticeships—allowing cost-sharing within clusters—might reverse the low take-up.
Taking a wider view, more must be done to upskill freelancers, encourage investment in people, and boost schemes such as the Creative Careers Programme, especially outside London.
If Labour are to grasp the growth opportunities handed to them on a plate by my party, they will need to remain vigilant. Global competitive advantage was hard fought but could easily be jeopardised. The creative industries can take some comfort in knowing that the CMS Committee will always fight their corner in parliament, and hold governments—of whatever hue—to account, in order to make sure this vital sector continues to grow.
