Read John McDermott's full piece on why the SNP has failed Scotland
The SNP has failed Scotland in all sorts of crucial ways. That's the conclusion of John McDermott, whose new piece for Prospect takes a look at the SNP's record while governing in the Scottish parliament from 2007 to now.
Undeniably a powerful election-winning force, packed with shrewd political operators, the SNP's rise and remarkable success at the last election—it won 56 seats—has stunned commentators. But the party's actual record of delivery has been under-scrutinsed.
The SNP wants more power to run Scotland free from Westminster interference. The political arguments in favour of such an arrangement are important and must be considered. But the SNP's ability to actually make life better for ordinary Scottish people with those powers is important too.
Below, we've run through the five most important points from the piece.
McDermott writes that the SNP is set to reduce its spending on health in Scotland relative to England and Wales. The Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) estimates that health spending in England will increase by 6 per cent in real terms from 2009/10 to 2015/16; but in Scotland it will rise by only 1 per cent over the six-year period. In the second half of that period, from 2013/14 to 2015/16, health spending will actually fall in Scotland in real terms, according to Audit Scotland. That would be fine if the NHS in Scotland was much better than that in England and Wales, says McDermott, but there's not much to show that's the case. Waiting times are on the rise: 47,390 outpatients waited more than 12 weeks before being seen in the quarter to the end of March 2015, compared to 21,524 in the three months to March 2013.
McDermott describes the abolition of tuition fees as "the SNP's totemic policy," and it has certainly helped them gain traction among students both north and south of the border. But, he argues, the policy does not help those less fortunate students and would-be students who need it most. The SNP abolished Scotland's £2,000 "graduate endowment fee" in 2008. Since then, says McDermott, the proportion of students in Scotland coming from the poorest fifth of backgrounds has not changed.
The failings at university level are closely related to the profound problems with Scotland’s schools, explains McDermott. The most recent national numeracy and literacy statistics show declining shares of pupils assessed as performing “well” or “very well”. The issue is particularly acute for the least affluent Scots: nearly one-third (32 per cent) of second year high school pupils from the most deprived areas are not reading “well” or “very well” and the gap between them and their richer peers is widening, according to the 2014 Scottish Survey of Literacy.
The cost to local authorities of providing “free” personal care for the elderly in their own homes has risen from £158m in 2004/5 to £364m in 2013/14, comments McDermott. Another £130m is spent via nursing homes, up from £93m. However, with council tax having been frozen since 2007, he says, councils have struggled to cope, as they are severely limited in their response to financial strains. Data available only through freedom of information requests reveal that more than 1,600 pensioners are on council waiting lists for personal care; the figures, reported by the Sunday Post, exclude Glasgow, so the real length of the list will be much longer.
The febrile mood in Scotland works against sound policy-making, McDermott argues. By claiming to “speak for Scotland”, the SNP can portray opposition as unpatriotic. The British Election Survey found that half of SNP voters agree with the statement: “When people criticise my party it feels like a personal insult.” For the other three main parties the share is about one-quarter. Too many of the institutions that make up the fabric of Scottish life—trade unions, the Church of Scotland, professional associations, quangos, universities, charities and businesses—are meek, McDermott says. This means corporatist government. “It’s arms-length control but the arm’s a lot shorter in Scotland,” explained the leader of one historic Scottish public body. There is widespread concern about the consequences of directly criticising the SNP.
John McDermott's full piece on the SNP is only available to subscribers. Subscribe now to read it—along with the rest of our new issue
The SNP has failed Scotland in all sorts of crucial ways. That's the conclusion of John McDermott, whose new piece for Prospect takes a look at the SNP's record while governing in the Scottish parliament from 2007 to now.
Undeniably a powerful election-winning force, packed with shrewd political operators, the SNP's rise and remarkable success at the last election—it won 56 seats—has stunned commentators. But the party's actual record of delivery has been under-scrutinsed.
The SNP wants more power to run Scotland free from Westminster interference. The political arguments in favour of such an arrangement are important and must be considered. But the SNP's ability to actually make life better for ordinary Scottish people with those powers is important too.
Below, we've run through the five most important points from the piece.
Party of the NHS?
"The SNP government has presided over—and arguably failed to fund properly—an unreformed health system that is increasingly struggling to cope"McDermott writes that the SNP is set to reduce its spending on health in Scotland relative to England and Wales. The Institute for Fiscal Studies (IFS) estimates that health spending in England will increase by 6 per cent in real terms from 2009/10 to 2015/16; but in Scotland it will rise by only 1 per cent over the six-year period. In the second half of that period, from 2013/14 to 2015/16, health spending will actually fall in Scotland in real terms, according to Audit Scotland. That would be fine if the NHS in Scotland was much better than that in England and Wales, says McDermott, but there's not much to show that's the case. Waiting times are on the rise: 47,390 outpatients waited more than 12 weeks before being seen in the quarter to the end of March 2015, compared to 21,524 in the three months to March 2013.
The trouble with tuition fees
"Scotland is the only nation in the UK where poorer students will borrow more than richer students"McDermott describes the abolition of tuition fees as "the SNP's totemic policy," and it has certainly helped them gain traction among students both north and south of the border. But, he argues, the policy does not help those less fortunate students and would-be students who need it most. The SNP abolished Scotland's £2,000 "graduate endowment fee" in 2008. Since then, says McDermott, the proportion of students in Scotland coming from the poorest fifth of backgrounds has not changed.
For richer not for poorer
"On several measures education is in a worse state than when the SNP took office in 2007"The failings at university level are closely related to the profound problems with Scotland’s schools, explains McDermott. The most recent national numeracy and literacy statistics show declining shares of pupils assessed as performing “well” or “very well”. The issue is particularly acute for the least affluent Scots: nearly one-third (32 per cent) of second year high school pupils from the most deprived areas are not reading “well” or “very well” and the gap between them and their richer peers is widening, according to the 2014 Scottish Survey of Literacy.
Not helping the aged
"More than 1,600 pensioners are on council waiting lists for personal care"The cost to local authorities of providing “free” personal care for the elderly in their own homes has risen from £158m in 2004/5 to £364m in 2013/14, comments McDermott. Another £130m is spent via nursing homes, up from £93m. However, with council tax having been frozen since 2007, he says, councils have struggled to cope, as they are severely limited in their response to financial strains. Data available only through freedom of information requests reveal that more than 1,600 pensioners are on council waiting lists for personal care; the figures, reported by the Sunday Post, exclude Glasgow, so the real length of the list will be much longer.
Strongarming
“It’s arms-length control but the arm’s a lot shorter in Scotland”The febrile mood in Scotland works against sound policy-making, McDermott argues. By claiming to “speak for Scotland”, the SNP can portray opposition as unpatriotic. The British Election Survey found that half of SNP voters agree with the statement: “When people criticise my party it feels like a personal insult.” For the other three main parties the share is about one-quarter. Too many of the institutions that make up the fabric of Scottish life—trade unions, the Church of Scotland, professional associations, quangos, universities, charities and businesses—are meek, McDermott says. This means corporatist government. “It’s arms-length control but the arm’s a lot shorter in Scotland,” explained the leader of one historic Scottish public body. There is widespread concern about the consequences of directly criticising the SNP.
John McDermott's full piece on the SNP is only available to subscribers. Subscribe now to read it—along with the rest of our new issue
