Labour Remainers don't have to love moderate (ex) Conservatives—but they should see the value of an alliance

Is Amber Rudd a hero—or villain? There has been a lot of friction recently between FBPE-types who think Rudd is a hero for resigning the Tory whip, and her cabinet job, over Johnson's extremist behaviour, and those to their left who blame her for a series of wider societal issues—in particular, the Windrush scandal over which she had to resign after misleading the house of commons (what a long time ago that seems).

The problem is that both have a point—and both are missing the point.

Under normal circumstances, it is perfectly reasonable for someone on the left to believe that a moderate Tory is still a Tory, and therefore politically suspect. And of course, hardcore-Remainer types whitewashing a politician’s support for the very austerity that contributed to Brexit in the first place can feel very galling.

Yet so, too, can the zealous converts, now leading protests, who until recently took their lead from what were only lukewarm anti-Brexit sentiments from the leader of the opposition.

It is frustrating to see such people lionised, and both sides of this divide have reasons to feel aggrieved at the behaviour of the other.

The truth is, though, the only chance the left has of ousting the Tories is of working with MPs like Rudd and the centrist Remainers who admire what she has done. Equally, the only route Remainers have to realistically stop Brexit lies through the Labour Party—and that means co-operating with its left-wing leader and his supporters. As easy as it is to lash out, it's not helpful to either side’s wider cause.

There has over the last few years been a lot of consternation about what moderate Labour MPs should do under the more radical leadership of Jeremy Corbyn. Yet just as the move leftwards in the Labour Party was not as sudden as it is often painted, nor is what has happened to the Tories that different. Compared to the socially-progressive Cameroons, Johnson’s radical agenda is as far from the centre-ground as Corbyn and McDonnell’s would be at their most unleashed.

In spite of this, there has been little commentary to parallel the Labour discussion about what liberal Tories should do. Even when three of their ranks peeled off to join Change UK, the larger number of Labour MPs doing so made for a Labour focused story.

Parties are always coalitions, but extra-parliamentary campaigns have to be even more so. Brexit is existential for the UK and Labour have been brave in insisting over the past few weeks that it matters more than getting an early election. For Labour that has meant cooperating with those they would otherwise be fighting—including the Lib Dems and moderate Tory MPs.

Socialists don't have to, and shouldn’t be asked to, love these temporary allies. But they should be strategic in who they spend their time and energy attacking at least until No Deal is secured and an extension won. There are few seats where the Lib Dems and Labour are in direct competition; a few more where the newly independent Tories are their opponents. In these it would absolutely be fair for the gloves to come off now. But elsewhere, the fire from all sides should be aimed at stopping Boris Johnson’s disastrous no deal.

At the moment, anything beyond this is more than a distraction; it’s a damaging irrelevance. The Remain alliance need to remain allied at this deadliest and most opportune of moments.

So far, little sign of this has been shown. Labour’s supporters and high-profile outriders don’t have to play nice, but they should play clever. Meanwhile, centrist Remainers need to stop wondering why everyone can’t just get along, and accept that there are going to be very different massages coming from Labour anti-Brexit sources than from centrist ones—and that this is not just okay, but vital to appeal to the range of audiences that any future referendum campaign would need to speak to.

It’s fine not to speak with one voice. But to stand a chance of winning, Remainers must agree on one purpose.